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第9回 12月15日 トム・ホープ(Tom Hope)

社会学、身体化、コミュニケーション

この講義では社会学の視点から「身体化」について考えたい。これまで社会学者たちは身体についての様々な理論を用いて研究を行ってきた。まずそれらを紹介した上で、実証的な研究を例に、そうした理論の変遷と身体的行動の記述が相互に影響を与えてきたことを示す。続いて身体とテクノロジーに焦点を当て、その二つの相互作用をめぐるいくつかの問題を提示し、私たちの日常的な行動を理解する上で身体に関する社会学理論がどのように役立つのかを解説する。

講師紹介

トム・ホープ(Tom Hope)
東京工業大学特任准教授。 イギリス出身。現代社会におけるコミュニティーのあり方をテーマに社会学の博士号を取得後、2003年に日本に拠点を移す。日本では人間の集団と(モバイル)テクノロジーとの相互作用について、またテクノロジーの使用者が自身と技術と社会との関係をどのように理解するのかについて研究を続けている。最近の研究テーマは、モバイルソーシャルネットワークと空間デザインの関係、日本のトイレ設備のコンピューター化など。
参考文献

 The following texts will be useful if you wish to know more about the topics discussed in the lecture. References are given in the order they appear in the lecture.

 Ritzer, George (2010) Sociological Theory, McGraw-Hill

 Durkheim Émile (2008) The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, Oxford University Press

 Simmel, Georg (1904) “Fashion”, International Quarterly, 10, 130-155

 Schutz, Alfred (1967) The Phenomenology of the Social World, Northwestern University Press

 Elias, Norbert (2000) The Civilizing Process, Wiley-Blackwell

 Goffman, Erving (1966) Behaviour in Public Places, Free Press

 Garfinkel, Harold (1991) Studies in Ethnomethodology, Polity

 Lynch, Michael (2006) “Cognitive activities without cognition? ethnomethodological investigations of selected ‘cognitive’ topics”, Discourse Studies, February 2006 vol. 8, 1, 95-104

 Sacks, Harvey, Schegloff, Emanuel A., & Jefferson, Gail (1974) “A simplest systematics for the organization of turn-taking for conversation”. Language, 50, 696-735

 Schegloff, Emanuel A. (2007) Sequence Organization in Interaction: A Primer in Conversation Analyis, Volume 1, Cambridge University Press

 Goodwin, Charles (2003)  "Pointing as Situated Practice." In Pointing: Where Language, Culture and Cognition Meet, edited by Sotaro Kita. Mahwah, Lawrence Erlbaum, pp. 217-41

 Latour, Bruno (1987) Science in Action: How to Follow Scientists and Engineers Through Society, Open University Press

 Suchman, Lucy (2006) Human-Machine Reconfigurations: Plans and Situated Actions, Cambridge University Press

レジュメダウンロード

body theory_Hope.pdf

コメント(最新2件 / 2)

mare    reply

Thank you for very interesting lecture on ‘body’ from a sociological point of view.
I have a few questions.
Please keep in mind that when I use the word ‘body’, it means not only a physical biological body itself but also its movement or behavior.

According to your lecture, ‘fashion’ or ‘imitation’ of Simmel, I think of it as an example of "the formation of ‘society’ by ‘body’".
On the other hand, the story that an intersex person learned how to be a woman, I think it "the formation of ‘body’ by ‘society’".

I wonder if ‘body’ and ‘society’ form each other and we cannot distinguish between ‘body’ and ‘society’.
This is like the structural functionalism of Durkheim, isn't it?
I think, as cells structure a body and cells and a body are identical, ‘body’ and ‘society’ are identical.
Moreover, ‘society’ is not a concept, ‘society’ really exists.

Could you give me some idea on the identity of ‘body’ and ‘society’?

Then, I notice that ‘gaze’ and ‘orientation’ is an example of the formation of ‘society’ by ‘body’ and the formation of ‘body’ by ‘society’ at the same time.
I think when we pass a person on the road, we are on a crowded train or etc., our behavior depends on whether we are acquainted with him.
The sociality of ‘acquaintance’ forms ‘body’ but contrarily our behavior distinguishes between the society of acquaintance and that of non-acquaintance.

This may apply to the difference between behavior at home, which is the smallest society of acquaintance, and behavior outside.
I think this can be a key to understanding of ‘body’ of Otohime users.

Could you tell me how you think about the sociality of ‘acquaintance’?

Reply from Tom to mare    reply

Thanks a lot for your comment and questions. I'm happy you found the lecture interesting. Sorry for this long response, I hope it makes some sense.

Your first comment is a good observation of the difficulties that sociologists have, and that ethnomethodology has tried to tackle. Both of the examples--Simmel's 'fashion' and Garfinkel's study of an intersex person show this. Certainly Simmel was interested in how society is formed by bodies, but fashion of course does not emerge from nothing, hence, we "imitate". In the same "Fashion" essay, Simmel says:

"As a member of a mass the individual will do many things which would have aroused unconquerable repugnance in his soul had they been suggested to him alone. "

So, individuals can clothe their bodies with the fashions of society, which can free them psychologically (in a sense), and their emotions also prompt action that makes up that society. Fashion can be seen as both "Freedom and dependence".

Certainly the intersex person could not "be" a woman without being in a society that somehow says what a woman is. But for the ethnomethodologists, the person is still required to do something. Society doesn't simply form their bodies passively, and society itself doesn't simply exist separated from bodies.

So you're thinking about the same problems that Durkheim had, yes. And in fact Garfinkel also draws on Durkheim in his more recent descriptions of ethnomethodology. One main criticism of structural functionalism has bee that it often seems to treat bodies as "puppets", controlled by structures. Did the intersex person passively do whatever society makes them do?

I am interested in your comment that "cells and a body are identical". Is that true? Does a cell know/think about what the body is doing?

Let's try to do what ethnomethodology suggests and turn the resources ("body", "society") into topics of study: Rather than asking what the identity of "body" and "society" is, let's ask:

"How does social science, engineering, science and the humanities (or people in other settings) use ideas of "body" and "society"? And what kind of 'work' should be done to create and maintain those concepts?"


Your observation about 'acquaintance' is also interesting. As you notice, our behavior differs according to the relations we have with people. We can notice how any friendship requires some 'work'--in other words, rather than simply 'being' friends or acquaintances, we 'do' being friends or acquaintances.

So, in terms of Otohime, I mentioned in my lecture that one interviewee did not use it when she was at home or with friends. Rather than saying this was simply "because she was with friends", I am interested in how not using Otohime is part of "doing friendship". What do you think would happen if she started using Otohime at home or with her friends?

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